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From the same stage that day, Henry David Thoreau declared that the moral failure of the United States affected even his ability to enjoy the outdoors, noting that “the remembrance of my country spoils my walk.” For the better part of the 19th century, many groups in addition to abolitionists, including Native Americans, utopian socialists, women’s suffragists and industrial workers, chose to use the Fourth of July as an occasion for social-justice agitation. The tradition of July 4 protest faded in the 20th century, but it re-emerged in moments of political urgency. Peace activists during the Vietnam War, for example, seized the day for fasts and demonstrations . In 1970, a committee of African-American churchmen urged the black community across the country not to participate in any festivities on July 4. Their “Black Declaration of Independence” listed 15 grievances, including “being lynched, burned, tortured, harried, harassed and imprisoned without Just Cause” and “being gunned down in the streets by Policemen and Troops who are protected from punishment.” In the weeks leading up to July 4, 1981, a group of military veterans, in a spirit of outraged patriotism, staged a hunger strike to demand an independent review of Veterans Administration hospitals, further study of the effects of Agent Orange and greater support for veterans’ mental health. In 1986, when the Supreme Court upheld laws that criminalized sodomy between consenting adults in private, gay activists held a rally in Greenwich Village in New York, promising to “disrupt traffic, snarl subways and show our rage” during the city’s July 4 celebrations. The tradition of July 4 protest has been largely dormant for a generation now — although the rallies and “die-ins” staged during the July 4 Senate recess last year, protesting efforts to repeal the Affordable Care Act, hinted at a revival . These days, many Americans seem to disapprove of protests in general, and for them, demonstrations on the Fourth of July might seem particularly offensive, even worse than taking a knee during the national anthem. But this attitude fundamentally misunderstands the nature of the holiday. July 4 commemorates a protest so incendiary that its participants, the signers of the Declaration of Independence, risked execution as traitors to the crown.
For the original version including any supplementary images or video, visit https://www.nytimes.com/2018/07/03/opinion/protest-fourth-july.html
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“This is the path of civil war. I’d like to avoid it.” The new rules lower the mandatory retirement age for judges to 65 from 70, which could force out up to 27 of the 72 Supreme Court justices, and also call for a disciplinary chamber to be established, raising fears that the governing Law and Justice Party will use the new directive to intimidate judges. Law and Justice, which has sought for years to take over the judiciary and resorted to authoritarian means to maintain and enhance its grip on power, said it would soon name judges to replace those now obligated to retire. Jaroslaw Kaczynski, the party leader, said that Justice Gersdorf and her supporters were “doomed to fail miserably,” according to the right-wing newsmagazine Gazeta Polska, which published an interview with him on Wednesday. Mr. Kaczynski was also undeterred by the threats of sanctions by the European Union , which he accused of trampling on Poland’s sovereignty, with the larger members of the bloc using their power to “brutally exert pressure” on smaller and weaker ones. The Polish prime minister, Mateusz Morawiecki, speaking at the European Parliament on Wednesday, defended the new laws and added his own criticisms of the bloc. “Many Europeans don’t like the direction the European Union is going in,” Mr. Morawiecki said. “When they feel that they’re losing influence on the future of Europe and the world, then they’re going to oppose what’s happening.” “You can call that populism,” he said, “but at the end of the day, we are going to have to ask questions asked by citizens and their expectations.” On Monday, the European Commission, the executive arm of the European Union, referred the case to Europe’s highest court, but Poland has a month to respond, and any ruling might come too late to stop the overhaul. When Law and Justice came to power , it campaigned against what it saw as a corrupt bureaucracy, calling for Poland to “get up from its knees.” The message found widespread appeal in villages and towns, especially in eastern Poland, where many people felt left behind as the country moved rapidly to embrace Western values and capitalism.
For the original version including any supplementary images or video, visit https://www.nytimes.com/2018/07/04/world/europe/poland-court-protests.html
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