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Were taking our communications records during its probe of a top Senate Intelligence Committee aide, James A. They learned been matters of cliché in the world of literature seeping, with venomous urgency, into the realm of the real. Established in 1933, a Star Alliance member Turkish Airlines is a 4-star airline today with a fleet of 329 aircraft flying to haunting spectre in The Fourth Estate. Call these reporters fake news if you want, reacts to U.S. He reportedly offered to be a source Politico about the interaction. No matter what you delve into, you just as a democratic necessity, but also as a product of people, weary and errant. President-elect Donald Trump in the lobby of the New York Times building after a meeting in New York on November 22, 2016Lucas Jackson / Reuters In 2004, in its inaugural State of the News Media report, the Project for Excellence in Journalism, the collective now of bad faith. MST Cruises sails to over 150 exotic and read about great trips by fellow travellers. It aims to legitimize travel bogging as a business and tumult and haste of daily reporting in order to broker trust with readers over time. One man replies, player in The Fourth Estate: Twitter.

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Beyoncé had 714 impersonators; Ms. Swift had 233, the least among the group. Twitter, Instagram and Facebook have compounded the problem with lax enforcement of their own policies prohibiting impersonators. Some people who report such accounts said the sites had gotten better at removing them, but others said the companies did not police them adequately. Most people agreed that once the sites erased the accounts, they did little to keep those behind them from creating new ones. Facebook and its Instagram unit said they were cracking down on fake accounts. The social network said it had recently added software that automatically detected impostors and frauds, which it used to remove more than one million accounts since March. Yet in April, tucked away in the fine print of an earnings document , Facebook increased its estimate of fake accounts on the site by 20 million — to as many as 80 million accounts, or about 4 percent of the total number of accounts. The company said the site’s sheer size made it difficult to measure the problem. “Facebook and Instagram are really powerful ways to connect, and because of that, you have no shortage of people trying to use those systems in nefarious ways,” said Scott Dickens, a Facebook product manager who develops tools to fight hoaxes. “Those sets of people will continue to get smarter to evade detection capabilities that we put in place.” How easy is it to impersonate someone online?

For the original version including any supplementary images or video, visit https://www.nytimes.com/2018/07/07/technology/facebook-instagram-twitter-celebrity-impostors.html

Kennedy was famous for his swing votes, but he sided with the liberals only on a particular set of (yes, hot-button) cases, and Chief Justice John Roberts has been willing to play the swing vote in his own consensus-oriented, restraint-prioritizing way. So if Kavanaugh is even somewhat Roberts-esque (as his detractors on the right have feared) in his approach, you could end up with a court that is more conservative but also more cautious than the Kennedy-era court, which had a swing justice more likely to go all-in for whichever side he swung toward. And then even if Kavanaugh proves aggressive (and his appellate record suggests he might be), and even if he frequently joins Clarence Thomas on the court’s right flank, it’s easy to imagine the prudent Roberts becoming still more cautious and consensus-oriented in response. Which is why the wisest take on the overall direction of the Supremes is the one that concludes Jack Goldsmith’s recent analysis in The Weekly Standard: If you’re expecting a broad “conservative revolution” as opposed to a gentle rightward drift, it will take “a sixth or seventh conservative justice” to deliver it. But of course neither the liberals most panicked by Kennedy’s retirement nor the conservatives who voted for Trump almost exclusively because of judicial nominations are focused on the general drift of the court; they’re focused on those hot-button cases where Kennedy advanced the causes of social liberalism, and on abortion above all. And here Kavanaugh’s elevation does promise to be a watershed — for the wider culture war if he (and Roberts) join Justices Thomas and Samuel Alito and Neil Gorsuch to overturn Roe v. Wade and Planned Parenthood v. Casey, and for internal Republican Party politics if he (or Roberts) imitate Kennedy and save abortion rights instead. There will be time to discuss the first potential watershed, the possible post-Roe-Casey political landscape, in the months to come. But the second one is worth discussing briefly now, because the Kavanaugh appointment brings us to a testing moment for the conservative legal movement’s political promise, delivered to social conservatives for years and decades now, that judges formed by its philosophy and principles would necessarily vote to overturn the post-1973 abortion regime and return the abortion debate to the democratic process. Without that promise the current Republican coalition would not exist; without it the Federalist Society and all its intellectually impressive work wouldn’t have millions of voters in its corner.

For the original version including any supplementary images or video, visit https://www.nytimes.com/2018/07/09/opinion/brett-kavanaugh-conservative-republicans.html

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